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However, your work is often critical of mainstream economics. What are the economic references and influences you include in your own work, and what kind of dialogue do you have with economists? Sociologists — even economic sociologists — tend to have low economic literacy and that is to our detriment. As a sociologist, most of the assumptions that are embedded in standard micro-economic models I reject, and unfortunately many of these assumptions are consequential for how we understand the world and cannot simply be set to one side.

So, for example, when the standard neoclassical model assumes away the exercise of power in the market and also requires individuals to form preferences in isolation from other individuals, these are very consequential assumptions, and they are of a very different sort than the assumption Marx makes when he requires that all commodities exchange at their value. This is one way of understanding the project of heterodox economics.

The Processes of Globalisation

Heterodox approaches have adapted neoclassical modeling to allow the exercise of power in the market; similarly, these approaches incorporate more complex models of preference formation than in the standard neoclassical paradigm. Do you think sociologists should adopt a historical methodology more often? Sociologists absolutely should adopt a historical perspective more often although, happily, many do. I think there are at least two reasons for taking history seriously in our analyses.

The first is that, in a very basic sense, to understand something is to trace the process of its emergence. But nevertheless, we learn a lot by following the twisting path by which a given institutional configuration takes shape over time. This is my basic methodological orientation: I approach every question that interests me wanting to know how a particular situation or object came about; how it came about is a way of understanding what it is, and further penetrating the mechanisms by which it is reproduced and transformed through time.

The second reason for adopting a historical perspective is that, interrogating the past allows us to make taken-for-granted social institutions in the present unfamiliar and strange. In other words, a historical analysis allows us to see other possibilities contained within current social arrangements; we realize that the world does not have to be as it is, that the world is mutable and changeable. In my work, I want to look at the social world in terms of possibilities that have at present been foreclosed but that perhaps could be recovered in some different future.

Historical thinking offers a lot to a social science that, at root, seeks human emancipation. You also mention the fact that deregulation was well under way before the Reagan administration, and that most of its architecture was already there in the late s. It seems to question the usual — and maybe misleading — view of the State, and of the political sphere in general, as providing a safeguard against financial markets. Could you explain more in depth the model of political decision you develop? For the simple reason that I think the account I give in the book is largely accurate in its depiction of policymakers stumbling toward financialization without any larger plan governing their actions.

Again and again, I saw the same pattern in my research: policymakers who took a particular action expecting one outcome got another they had not anticipated, inadvertently stimulating the turn to finance in the process. That we would expect them to immediately grasp the nature of these markets seems unrealistic, and offers a caution against reading the past too much from the perspective of the present rather than, to return to the earlier discussion of historical methods, reading the present from the vantage point of the past.

That said, rational design is overplayed in the social sciences. Yes, there are actors, they have interests, and they are aiming at certain things. But the social world is endlessly complex, continually changing, and efforts to intervene in social systems inevitably produce effects different from those intended. In the US, in Iceland, in Spain, in South Africa, in England, contestation of political regimes seems to be linked to financialization.

Do you think it is the case? How exactly is financialization affecting politics? This makes intuitive sense as periods of financialization are also typically periods of widening wealth and income inequality, and this inequality appears to be directly related to the growth of finance. The late nineteenth-century episode of financialization, in which the dominance of finance in the U.

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From this perspective, what is puzzling about the most recent episode of financialization is not that we see a relationship between the growth of finance and widening social and political conflict, but rather the delayed onset of contention. Until the mortgage market imploded in , financialization seemed to assuage rather than amplify social and political conflict, as I argued in Capitalizing on Crisis. This is very unlike late nineteenth-century financialization, in which the American economy was plagued by periodic capital shortages that affected the Southern and Western regions where protest was most active especially severely see Quinn Forthcoming.

Following the collapse of financial markets, in the United States as around the world, we saw a resurgence — at least temporarily — of a kind of rationing in credit markets that we had not seen for some time. Consequently, distributional politics returned with a vengeance.


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Could you explain this point, and how it can shed light on the social consequences of financialization? Of course, Streeck theorized much more explicitly something that was left largely implicit in my account — namely, that the form in which debt accumulated mattered. Financialization occurred in phases, in which households, corporations, and the state passed debt around like a hot potato. This gives some insight, I think, into the endless adaptability and inventiveness of capitalism as a social form, which is certainly one of the most striking features of financialization.

As we are investigating, in this special issue, social classes and social categories shaped by financialization, could you explain this assertion? The case of financial deregulation is a case in point. Attempts to undermine Glass-Steagall regulations that separated investment and commercial banking were underway almost as soon as the ink on the legislation was dry, but these attempts languished for decades because the various interest groups that stood to benefit from deregulation were affected in different ways and hence wanted different legislation.

Similarly, in the case of the repeal of Regulation Q, large banks, small banks, thrifts, and other financial players were affected differently by proposed legislation, and hence lobbyists for different segments of the financial industry tended to undercut one another. This might explain too why the Dodd-Frank legislation enacted in the wake of the financial crisis — which did not resurrect the functional barriers between segments of the financial industry — may ultimately be more vulnerable to repeal, as appears likely at the current moment.

What does it mean? On the one side, a newly enfranchised working class enacts various forms of protective legislation, imposing restrictions on profits that capitalists bitterly resent. The United Provinces, as the radically decentralized state was called, had no king and little power at the federal level. Making money was the passion of these busy manufacturers and traders; they had no time for hunting heretics or suppressing new ideas. Thus de facto religious toleration and a wide-ranging freedom of the press came to prevail.

Devoted to industry and trade, the Dutch established a legal system based solidly on the rule of law and the sanctity of property and contract. Taxes were low, and everyone worked. The Dutch "economic miracle" was the wonder of the age. Thoughtful observers throughout Europe noted the Dutch success with great interest.

Liberalism has many meanings, but in its classical sense it is a philosophy based on individual freedom. History has long taught that our modern sensibility comes from the eighteenth century Enlightenment. In recent decades, historians have seen the Dutch Enlightenment of the seventeenth century as the root of the wider Enlightenment. Socialist Worker. Retrieved 6 May Until the 17th century, commissioning works of art was largely the preserve of the church , monarchs and aristocrats. The emergence of a powerful and wealthy middle class in Holland , though, produced a radical change in patronage as the new Dutch bourgeoisie bought art.

For the first time, the direction of art was shaped by relatively broadly-based demand rather than religious dogma or royal whim, and the result was the birth of a large-scale open free art market which today's dealers and collectors would find familiar. Retrieved 11 November The first major innovation was the foundation of the Dutch East India Company VOC , the world's first publicly traded company , in As the first listed company the first company to be ever listed on an official stock exchange , the VOC was the first company to actually issue stock and bonds to the general public.

Considered by many experts to be the world's first truly modern multinational corporation , the VOC was also the first permanently organized limited-liability joint-stock company , with a permanent capital base. The Dutch merchants were the pioneers in laying the basis for modern corporate governance. The VOC is often considered as the precursor of modern corporations , if not the first truly modern corporation.

It was the VOC that invented the idea of investing in the company rather than in a specific venture governed by the company. With its pioneering features such as corporate identity first globally-recognized corporate logo , entrepreneurial spirit, legal personhood , transnational multinational operational structure, high stable profitability, permanent capital fixed capital stock , freely transferable shares and tradable securities , separation of ownership and management , and limited liability for both shareholders and managers, the VOC is generally considered a major institutional breakthrough and the model for the large-scale business enterprises that now dominate the global economy.

World-Systems Theory, Dependency Theory and Global Inequality

The second major innovation was the creation of the world's first fully functioning financial market , with the birth of a fully fledged capital market. The Dutch were also the first to effectively use a fully-fledged capital market including the bond market and the stock market to finance companies such as the VOC and the WIC. It was in seventeenth-century Amsterdam that the global securities market began to take on its modern form. While the Italian city-states produced the first transferable government bonds, they didn't develop the other ingredient necessary to produce a fully fledged capital market : corporate shareholders.

Dutch investors were the first to trade their shares at a regular stock exchange. The buying and selling of these shares of stock in the VOC became the basis of the first stock market. It was in the Dutch Republic that the early techniques of stock-market manipulation were developed. The Dutch pioneered stock futures , stock options , short selling , bear raids , debt-equity swaps, and other speculative instruments.

Amsterdam businessman Joseph de la Vega 's Confusion of Confusions was the earliest book about stock trading. The third major innovation was the establishment of the Bank of Amsterdam Amsterdamsche Wisselbank in Dutch in , which led to the introduction of the concept of bank money. The Bank of Amsterdam was arguably the world's first central bank. The Wisselbank's innovations helped lay the foundations for the birth and development of the central banking system that now plays a vital role in the world's economy. Contributors explore the vast web of complex issues raised by China's ascendancy.

China and global economic stratification in an interdependent world | Palgrave Communications

The first three chapters discuss the global and historical origins of China's shift to a market economy and that transformation's impact on the international market system. Subsequent essays explore the ability of large Chinese manufacturers to counter the might of transnational retailers, the effect of China's rise on world income distribution and labor, and the consequences of a stronger China for its two most powerful neighbors, Russia and Japan. The concluding chapter questions whether China's growth is sustainable and if it will ultimately shift the center of global capitalism from the West to the East.

This cutting-edge collection of works by leading global political economists links current events to long-term trends in global capitalist development to provide a comprehensive analysis of China's impact on the world. Scholars of China, world systems and globalization, international relations, and political economy will find this assessment worthy of study and an important starting point for further research. Contributors: Richard P. Silver, Alvin Y. So, and Lu Zhang. Seller Inventory AAH More information about this seller Contact this seller 5. More information about this seller Contact this seller 6.

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Chaos and Governance in the Modern World System

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