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Mass transit in the Greater Tokyo Area. Blue Green. Odawara Enoshima Tama. Sotetsu Main Izumino. For detailed descriptions of harvest methods and cultivation attempts of Gelidium species around the world, see previous reports by Santelices , Santos and Duarte , Melo , and McHugh More recently, Porse and Rudolph assessed the present situation of the seaweed hydrocolloid industry, comprising agar, alginate, and carrageenans.
The compilation of Gelidium spp. As often happens, the absolute values reported by different sources do not match. To reconstruct the time series of Gelidium landings, we used an adaptation of the catch reconstruction approach used by Pauly and Pauly and Zeller for fishery data. This required comparisons of data from various sources, interpolations, and bold assumptions justified by the unacceptability of the alternatives, for example, data known to be incompatible with empirical data and historic records. In some cases, we contrasted the data obtained directly from country-specific sources with the data provided by FishStat database, published by the Fisheries and Aquaculture Department, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, which provides statistical time series of world fisheries, including seaweeds aquatic plants FAO All data presented here are in wet weight.
When necessary, a conversion factor of 3-fold was used to estimate wet weight from dry weight values, following the conversion used by FAO The annual industrial agar yields of Gelidium , i. Gelidium spp. The available time series data on agar production show that it followed the increasing trend of landings from s to the s, followed by a sharp decrease in the s.
Gelidium amansii has been the main species harvested in Republic of Korea, but smaller quantities of other Gelidium species were also harvested Lee et al. The time series of landings is highly variable, probably due to poor reporting whether the harvest data were in dry or wet weight. In fact, available dry weight data of the s and s from both Lee et al. McHugh reported that landings were about dry t, which was consistent with about wet t, as reported by FAO There are four harvest zones for Gelidium corneum in Spain.
These are located in the North Atlantic coast, which correspond to the boundaries of the autonomous regions of Galicia, Asturias, Cantabria, and Euskadi Basque Country. The traditional harvest method has been to gather storm tossed algae along the beaches Juanes and Borja Harvest by divers operating from small boats has also been used, mainly in Asturias where G.
In the early s, 10 boats operated in Asturias, 3 in Cantabria, and 2 in Euskadi. In the s, 18 boats were operating in Asturias and 10 in Cantabria. The harvest of storm tossed G. The available time series of FAO , presented in Fig. Landings during the s were one order of magnitude higher than the reconstructed ones. Landings reported by FAO in the s were included in Fig. The production of agar in Portugal followed the general trend of the raw material landings Fig. There were no available data on agar production, from the harvested biomass, but the agar export statistics can be used as a proxy of the agar production since most of the agar produced by the country was exported.
Agar exports generally followed the trend of seaweed landings, except in recent years when landings were low and agar exports were high Fig.
Considering that all the seaweed that was not exported data not shown was processed by the national agar industry and that all the agar that was produced was exported; the average industrial yield of G. The few available data on agar exports, from to , indicated that the industrial yield of agar from G. The quantities of exported agar were actually higher than the reported Gelidium landings and increased throughout the s, at a time when the reported landings of Gelidium were declining.
This was a clear indication that most of the agar produced in Chile was not derived from native Gelidium species, but rather from Gracilaria species. Drifting masses of this seaweed were traditionally harvested in the autumn at sea by trawlers and along the shore by hand. These yields seem to be over-estimates in the face of the reduced extent of the harvest zone and probably include sand and other seaweeds. These data certainly include carrageenophyte species. Commercial harvesting of Gelidium madagascariense [included in the new genus Orthogonacladia , as O.
A new agar seaweed processing facility was opened in early The annual harvests of G. As well, relevant amounts of G. The analysis of the global trends of Gelidium spp. There is no indication that the main factor influencing this shift has been the over-exploitation of natural resources but rather socio-economic reasons. In Japan, Fujita et al. The Asian exports of Moroccan G. In Spain, where the harvest has been based on the gathering of cast seaweed resulting from natural breakage during autumn storms, the observed crash in landings since early s could not have been caused by over-exploitation of resources.
The poor quality of storm-tossed seaweeds, highly contaminated with sand and other seaweeds, and the large fluctuations in yearly landings posed a serious problem to the industry that required a steady input of high-quality raw material. Quintano et al. These factors explain why the industry started importing the better quality and lower priced Moroccan Gelidium , which were hand-picked by divers. Following the Prestige oil-spill in , the Gelidium harvest was closed and Spanish agar factories increased the import of raw material from Morocco. As a consequence the price of locally harvested G.
Borja, pers. In the s the whole sector declined in Spain. There are no statistics gathered at a national or regional level, both for landings and agar production, and the industry is losing its former world importance, particularly for production of bacteriological-grade agar J. Salinas, pers.
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Only the production of agarose is still important. As in Japan and Spain, the Gelidium landings in Portugal crashed during the s mainly due to a drop in internal demand, resulting in the closure of two of the three Portuguese agar processing units Melo Increased difficulties in selling the harvested seaweed led to the loss of interest of the harvesters. In addition, there is evidence of a decrease in the standing stocks of two of the three main harvest areas due to over-exploitation Santos et al.
The activity did not recover since then, even though the steep price rise of technical agars in — Iberagar SA, pers. The harvest decline in Japan, Spain, and Portugal was balanced by the increased production in Morocco during the s and s.
The present historical lowest Gelidium spp. An effort of Moroccan scientists was made to evaluate the standing stocks of Gelidium Givernaud et al. However, these efforts were doomed to failure as resource management regulations were not effectively enforced. The world is not an ideal-type holographic system within which each part equally shares the same properties of their holographic whole.
Second, insofar as holographic relations in global politics are constituted largely through informational and discursive connections, discourse analysis can help trace the lineage and genealogy of norms and ideas which make global society hang together. Thus, in a methodological sense, the holographic relational ontology has much in common with the poststructuralist discursive ontology. Yet, while the latter sees things as constructed by discourse, it says little on the being of discourse itself. The holographic relational ontology, on the other hand, treats discourse as existing in as well as constitutive of holographic relations.
The holographic relational existence of discourse, implied in notions such as discursive formation and intertextuality Merrell, , ; Pitts, , — , can explain why discourse cannot be attributed to a single author and why it and its associated power effect appears at once to be everywhere and nowhere. Thanks to their holographic ontology, discourse and power go capillary Foucault, , We are a holographic part of space and time, our ontological wholes.
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Streams of culture have come to India from the West and the East and been absorbed in India, producing the rich and variegated culture which is India today. At the same time, streams of culture have flowed from India to distant parts of Asia.
Instead of a teleological process of homogenization, holographic transition is more multifaceted and dynamic. Moreover, scholarly discourses are part and parcel of holographic relations in IR, and rather than merely a neutral analytic tool independent of the world they describe, they are an inherently participatory factor in how holographic relations take shape and evolve. Consequently, holographic reality is necessarily protean and complex, and our theorizing effort ought to reflect it accordingly. Indeed, I argue that the rise of China is a prime example of how China is being transformed through its ongoing holographic entanglements with the world.
With that holographic self-imagination, it was open, for example, to Buddhist influence from India. Under the rule of the Mongols, China was introduced to Islamic and Persian medicine. In fact, the term China Zhongguo in Chinese is largely absent in traditional Chinese canons. Given that China has always been a holographic part of its changing worlds, it is no longer adequate to cast its contemporary rise merely in terms of change in power balance ; it must also be an ongoing process of holographic transition, emergence, worlding, or enfolding.
The existing literature has made much about a rising China with increasingly global presence Shambaugh, ; Wortzel, To understand China entails considering its global holographic relations. At first sight, the notion of China as a holographically global state flies in the face of its reputation as a stubbornly Westphalian state, impervious to especially political change hoped by the West Mann, But as noted earlier, holographic transition is never meant to be mere Westernization.
Emanating from these extensive relations is not the intensification of two-way transactional flows in trade, investment, people, and ideas between an otherwise static China and the rest of the world, but a China that has been simultaneously transformed in the complex images of its multiple worlds.
It now ranks as the largest trading nation in the world, with its trade as a percentage of gross domestic product GDP at In , FIEs in China accounted for What these figures reveal is not only increased interdependence between the Chinese economy and the world economy, but also the deepening transformation of the former as a holographic part of the expanding global supply chains and production networks Pan, a. In this process, FIEs and the ideas and norms they represent have played a key role.
Consequently, their presence and penetration in China has brought not only higher environmental standards, increased awareness of social corporate responsibility, and modern business management practices to their Chinese partners, but also inappropriate worker relations, corrupted practices and anti-competitive behavior Enright, As the private sectors of the Chinese economy grow, even the Chinese Communist Party CCP , now welcoming private entrepreneurs into its ranks, could not be immune from being holographically affected.
Indeed, the very ideas upon which the CCP was first founded came from Europe. Thus, it is not self-contradictory to claim that China is at once a neoliberal capitalist state, a developmental state, a competition state, a regulatory state, a mercantilist state, and a party-state. Its polymorphousness testifies precisely to the holographic nature of a Chinese state in transition. Such a holographic transition is both enabled by and reinforces the transnational flows of people, ideas, and discourses at the societal level.
For instance, between and , more than 4 million Chinese students went overseas to study, and during the same period more than half of them returned Ministry of Education, There were , international students from countries and regions around the world studying in China in Zhang, In , at least , expats were working or living across China Zhou and Elsinga, The city of Yiwu, a globally connected small merchandise hub, is now home to about 10, foreign business people from 85 different countries, working for over 3, foreign trading companies Chen, , Their interests, ideas, and discourses help weave and sustain the holographic networks between China and its worlds.
Shambaugh and Ren , 37, 39 reveal that almost all major schools of IR theory can find echoes in China. A sociology-of-knowledge analysis of such traveling theories may well tell a fascinating story of their holographic entanglements. In opening up a new ontological perspective, this article now turns to a brief examination of why mainstream IR theories, particularly realism and liberalism, need to be rethought. Analysts from those perspectives continue to see the rise of a Germany-like great power, but the world in which China has been rising has largely moved on from the one in which Nazi Germany emerged.
What they fail to adequately appreciate is the whole from which China has emerged is now quite different Wang, Nonetheless, two points are worth noting here. One is that there is some Chinese recognition, at both scholarly and official levels, of the world as a cosmopolitan whole e. Whether Chinese foreign policy e.
It would be more difficult for Beijing to behave differently if other powers continue to adopt a zero-sum, non-holographic way of understanding and dealing with China. For this reason, it cannot be understood as a simple return to a Sinocentric world order or a Chinese world without the West Katzenstein, ; Barma, Ratner and Weber, With China unable to meet the liberal expectation, there has now been growing disillusionment with, and renewed realist fear of it in recent years Pan, , Chapter 7; Campbell and Ratner, Thus, without denying Chinese responsibility or agency, to effectively deal with those challenges requires us to see them less as uniquely Chinese problems than as global and holographic challenges.