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Use the brush, knife or cotton bud to position the decal. Using your paper towel, gently dab the decal and soak up the excess water decal softener is also recommended at this stage. After applying softener, the decal will suction to the part and flatten out smooth.


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This was necessary to avoid damaging the mother craft's fuselage and tail surfaces when the pulsejet ignited, as well as to ensure a "clean" airflow for the Argus motor's intake.

Meteor I vs V1 Flying Bomb - - Donald Nijboer

A somewhat less ambitious project undertaken was the adaptation of the missile as a "flying fuel tank" Deichselschlepp for the Messerschmitt Me jet fighter, which was initially test-towed behind an He A Greif bomber. The pulsejet, internal systems and warhead of the missile were removed, leaving only the wings and basic fuselage, now containing a single large fuel tank. A small cylindrical module, similar in shape to a finless dart, was placed atop the vertical stabiliser at the rear of the tank, acting as a centre of gravity balance and attachment point for a variety of equipment sets.

A rigid towbar with a pitch pivot at the forward end connected the flying tank to the Me The operational procedure for this unusual configuration saw the tank resting on a wheeled trolley for take-off. The trolley was dropped once the combination was airborne, and explosive bolts separated the towbar from the fighter upon exhaustion of the tank's fuel supply.

A number of test flights were conducted in with this set-up, but inflight "porpoising" of the tank, with the instability transferred to the fighter, meant that the system was too unreliable to be used. An identical utilisation of the V-1 flying tank for the Ar bomber was also investigated, with the same conclusions reached.

Some of the "flying fuel tanks" used in trials utilised a cumbersome fixed and spatted undercarriage arrangement, which along with being pointless merely increased the drag and stability problems already inherent in the design. The progressive loss of French launch sites as proceeded and the area of territory under German control shrank meant that soon the V-1 would lack the range to hit targets in England.


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  4. Air launching was one alternative utilised, but the most obvious solution was to extend the missile's range. Thus the F-1 version developed. The weapon's fuel tank was increased in size, with a corresponding reduction in the capacity of the warhead. Additionally, the nose cones and wings of the F-1 models were made of wood, affording a considerable weight saving. With these modifications, the V-1 could be fired at London and nearby urban centres from prospective ground sites in the Netherlands.

    Frantic efforts were made to construct a sufficient number of F-1s in order to allow a large-scale bombardment campaign to coincide with the Ardennes Offensive , but numerous factors bombing of the factories producing the missiles, shortages of steel and rail transport, the chaotic tactical situation Germany was facing at this point in the war, etc.

    Beginning on 2 March , slightly more than three weeks before the V-1 campaign finally ended, several hundred F-1s were launched at Britain from Dutch sites under Operation "Zeppelin". Frustrated by increasing Allied dominance in the air, Germany also employed V-1s to attack the RAF's forward airfields, such as Volkel, in the Netherlands. Approximately 10, were fired at England; 2, reached London, killing about 6, people and injuring 17, Antwerp , Belgium was hit by 2, V-1s from October to March Initially, British experts were sceptical of the V-1 because they had considered only solid-fuel rockets , which could not attain the stated range of miles kilometres.

    However, they later considered other types of engine, and by the time German scientists had achieved the needed accuracy to deploy the V-1 as a weapon, British intelligence had a very accurate assessment of it. The British defence against the German long-range weapons was Operation Crossbow.

    Anti-aircraft guns of the Royal Artillery and RAF Regiment redeployed in several movements: first in mid-June from positions on the North Downs to the south coast of England, then a cordon closing the Thames Estuary to attacks from the east. In September , a new linear defence line was formed on the coast of East Anglia , and finally in December there was a further layout along the Lincolnshire — Yorkshire coast. The deployments were prompted by changes to the approach tracks of the V-1 as launch sites were overrun by the Allies' advance. On the first night of sustained bombardment, the anti-aircraft crews around Croydon were jubilant — suddenly they were downing unprecedented numbers of German bombers; most of their targets burst into flames and fell when their engines cut out.

    There was great disappointment when the truth was announced. Anti-aircraft gunners soon found that such small fast-moving targets were, in fact, very difficult to hit. The altitude and speed were more than the rate of traverse of the standard British QF 3. The static version of the QF 3. The cost and delay of installing new permanent platforms for the guns was fortunately found to be unnecessary - a temporary platform built devised by the REME and made from railway sleepers and rails was found to be adequate for the static guns, making them considerably easier to re-deploy as the V-1 threat changed.

    In , Bell Labs started delivery of an anti-aircraft predictor fire-control system based on an analogue computer , just in time for the Allied invasion of Europe. These electronic aids arrived in quantity from June , just as the guns reached their firing positions on the coast. Seventeen per cent of all flying bombs entering the coastal "gun belt" were destroyed by guns in their first week on the coast.

    This rose to 60 per cent by 23 August and 74 per cent in the last week of the month, when on one day 82 per cent were shot down. The rate improved from one V-1 destroyed for every 2, shells fired initially, to one for every This still did not end the threat, and V-1 attacks continued until all launch sites were captured by ground forces. Eventually about 2, barrage balloons were deployed, in the hope that V-1s would be destroyed when they struck the balloons' tethering cables. The leading edges of the V-1's wings were fitted with cable cutters, and fewer than V-1s are known to have been brought down by barrage balloons.

    The Defence Committee expressed some doubt as to the ability of the Royal Observer Corps to adequately deal with the new threat, but the ROC's Commandant Air Commodore Finlay Crerar assured the committee that the ROC could again rise to the occasion and prove its alertness and flexibility. Observers at the coast post of Dymchurch identified the very first of these weapons and within seconds of their report the anti-aircraft defences were in action. This new weapon gave the ROC much additional work both at posts and operations rooms.

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    The critics who had said that the Corps would be unable to handle the fast-flying jet aircraft were answered when these aircraft on their first operation were actually controlled entirely by using ROC information both on the coast and at inland. Fighter aircraft required excellent low altitude performance to intercept them and enough firepower to ensure that they were destroyed in the air rather than crashing to earth and detonating or at least enough to stand well off while detonating the bomb to avoid being damaged by the strong blast.

    Most aircraft were too slow to catch a V-1 unless they had a height advantage, allowing them to gain speed by diving on their target. When V-1 attacks began in mid-June , the only aircraft with the low-altitude speed to be effective against it was the Hawker Tempest.

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    Fewer than 30 Tempests were available. They were assigned to No. Early attempts to intercept and destroy V-1s often failed, but improved techniques soon emerged. If properly executed, this manoeuvre would tip the V-1's wing up, over-riding the gyro and sending the V-1 into an out-of-control dive. At least sixteen V-1s were destroyed this way the first by a P piloted by Major R. Turner of th Fighter Squadron on 18 June.

    The Tempest fleet was built up to over aircraft by September, and during the short summer nights the Tempests shared defensive duty with de Havilland Mosquitos. This was so successful that all other aircraft in Wing were thus modified. The anti-V-1 sorties by fighters were known as "Diver patrols" after "Diver", the codename used by the Royal Observer Corps for V-1 sightings.

    Attacking a V-1 was dangerous: machine guns had little effect on the V-1's sheet steel structure, and if a cannon shell detonated the warhead, the explosion could destroy the attacker. In daylight, V-1 chases were chaotic and often unsuccessful until a special defence zone was declared between London and the coast, in which only the fastest fighters were permitted. Musgrave with a No. As daylight grew stronger after the night attack, a Spitfire was seen to follow closely behind a V-1 over Chislehurst and Lewisham.

    Between June and 5 September , a handful of Wing Tempests shot down flying bombs, [35] with No. All other types combined added Even though it was not fully operational, the jet-powered Gloster Meteor was rushed into service with No. It had ample speed but its cannons were prone to jamming, and it shot down only 13 V-1s.

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    The first bomb disposal officer to defuse an unexploded V-1 was John Pilkington Hudson in To adjust and correct settings in the V-1 guidance system, the Germans needed to know where the V-1s were impacting. Therefore, German intelligence was requested to obtain this impact data from their agents in Britain. However, all German agents in Britain had been turned , and were acting as double agents under British control. If given this data, the Germans would be able to adjust their aim and correct any shortfall.

    However, there was no plausible reason why the double agents could not supply accurate data; the impacts would be common knowledge amongst Londoners and very likely reported in the press, which the Germans had ready access to through the neutral nations. In addition, as John Cecil Masterman , chairman of the Twenty Committee , commented, "If, for example, St Paul's Cathedral were hit, it was useless and harmful to report that the bomb had descended upon a cinema in Islington , since the truth would inevitably get through to Germany While the British decided how to react, Pujol played for time.

    On 18 June it was decided that the double agents would report the damage caused by V-1s fairly accurately and minimise the effect they had on civilian morale. It was also decided that Pujol should avoid giving the times of impacts, and should mostly report on those which occurred in the north west of London, to give the impression to the Germans that they were overshooting the target area.

    While Pujol downplayed the extent of V-1 damage, trouble came from Ostro , an Abwehr agent in Lisbon who pretended to have agents reporting from London. He told the Germans that London had been devastated and had been mostly evacuated as a result of enormous casualties.

    The Germans could not perform aerial reconnaissance of London, and believed his damage reports in preference to Pujol's. They thought that the Allies would make every effort to destroy the V-1 launch sites in France. They also accepted Ostro ' s impact reports. Due to Ultra , however, the Allies read his messages and adjusted for them. A certain number of the V-1s fired had been fitted with radio transmitters, which had clearly demonstrated a tendency for the V-1 to fall short.

    Oberst Max Wachtel, commander of Flak Regiment W , which was responsible for the V-1 offensive, compared the data gathered by the transmitters with the reports obtained through the double agents.