Then the female half began to choose. This change can be documented in the Meguro Emperor still in Meguro , which began in as a he-man fort before it slowly metamorphosed into a romantic Disneyland castle. The interior has been several times revised to segue from male- to female-friendly. Even the name has changed. It is now Gallery Hotel. The fashion hotel has grown ultra discrete no one sees you once you are inside; in fashion motels, your license plates are hidden and there are no windows and the erotic becomes the exotic, the risky becomes riskless, and the bed is seen as more trophy than taboo.
In her learned and entertaining book on the anthropology of the love hotel Sarah Chaplin follows the ups and downs of her subject and is particularly good in connecting its changes with those within the larger public. From the hovels of the late s, almost entirely associated with adultery and prostitution, we have proceeded to the present pleasure palaces of Tokyo, Osaka, Kyoto and almost everywhere else. Income on capital assets were subject to taxation if linked with profit-oriented activities.
Ministries monitor public interest corporations and have the power to revoke their legal status. Since , similar rules have applied to the new categories of general incorporated association and foundation. The registration procedure is a simple one and is done at the prefectural level or with the Cabinet Office if the group has offices in more than one prefecture.
Tax deductions for contributions: Before , only PICs with special status could offer tax deductions to donors. Tax deductions favored corporations over individual donors. In —, new laws were passed that created a special status for SNCs to get similar tax deductions. Very few SNCs, however, have been granted this special status. Since , to get special tax benefits, nonprofit groups must become a public interest incorporated association.
In , three new laws passed reforming the entire system. Under the new system, registration is simplified: ministry authorization is no longer needed for incorporation of a nonprofit organization and all groups register with either the Cabinet Office or the prefectural government. The old system of PIC is being phased out and replaced by the categories of general incorporated association and foundation.
Groups wishing to get preferential tax treatment must apply with the Public Interest Corporation Commission to be given status as either a public interest incorporated association or foundation.
Netherlands Execution of a notarial deed is the only requirement to establish an association and acquire legal status. Groups can register as charitable organizations. Tax exemptions: Associations are not subject to income tax unless they are engaged in economic activities and generate a profit. Tax exemptions on such profits are permitted if they are used for public interest purposes. Tax deductions on contributions: Tax deductions are available to both individuals and companies for contributions to registered charitable organizations.
Charitable organizations are registered with the Post Office and submit annual audited accounts to the Foundation for Fundraising Control. Tax exemption: In general, nonprofits are subject to taxation. Tax deductions on contributions: In general, contributions are not tax deductible for either individuals or corporations. Corporate contributions are deductible as business expenses only. Switzerland There is no federal regulation of NGOs. Groups incorporate at the canton level and regulations vary.
Tax exemptions and tax deductions on contributions: Vary by canton. Depending on the canton, donations are tax deductible. United Kingdom Tax exemptions: Charities are exempt from taxes on rents from land and property, interest, dividends and grants from other charities as long as income goes to charity activities. Commercial profits are tax free as long as proceeds go to charity causes. United States Charities are regulated by a series of parliamentary acts that place them under the supervision of the Charities Commission.
Charities register with the Commission through a simple application process. In , creation of a new legal business entity called the Community Interest Corporation for Socially Oriented Enterprises. In a new Charities Act is passed amending the previous act of This Act defines charity, provides measures for greater accountability, makes it easier for small charities to register and set up a new appeals body. Groups incorporate at the state level as nonprofit organizations and then can apply for tax-exempt status by registering with the Internal Revenue Service under section c 3 of the Internal Revenue Code.
Approval for nonprofit status is usually pro-forma. Tax-exempt status is also generally easy to obtain. Tax deductions on contributions: There are specific types of contributions that are tax deductible for individuals and corporations: deed of covenant, single donations, payroll deduction schemes, and relief from inheritance and capital gains tax. Tax exemptions: Most nonprofits are exempt from federal and state taxes for activity-related income. Commercial activities can be taxed.
Tax deductions on contributions: Tax deductions are permitted for both individuals and corporations. States and the domestic political economy 35 or a particular legal form. Under this legal approach, laws and regulations for the nonprofit sector emerge to codify and regulate — i. Hodson 4—5 In contrast, Roman or Napoleonic civil law traditions are prescriptive in nature — i.
According to civil law tradition, nonprofit organizations legally exist because there is a law that creates or permits them. States using this type of legal approach play a more active role as gatekeepers and usually establish a state system of supervision over nonprofit organizations to ensure that groups retain their proper character. Anheier 42; Hodson 3—5 Of the two traditions, the common law tradition is the more liberal and less intrusive. In general, countries with common law-style regulations governing the nonprofit sector provide a more supportive regulatory environment for the emergence and growth of nonprofits and NGOs.
Regulatory patterns among OECD member countries support these generalizations, with legal traditions conforming to state—society typologies. As Table 2. In recent years, however, some of the legal differences among countries have started to narrow as more states have adopted or are debating new laws, regulations or policies that both liberalize legal regimes and put in stronger accountability mechanisms for NGOs. In addition to legal codes, fiscal regulations are important policy tools of the state that can be used to support the emergence and growth of the nonprofit sector and NGOs.
Dehne, Friedrich, Nam and Parsche Countries that offer tax breaks, either to nonprofit organizations on their income or to private donors on their contributions to nonprofits, have chosen to forgo substantial tax revenues in order to promote and foster the growth of the sector. Tax breaks lower barriers to mobilizing resources and provide incentives for citizens to set up or support a nonprofit organization. Salamon and Toepler Many wealthy citizens in America, for example, prefer to donate part of their income to support an NGO rather than handing it over to the state in the form of taxes.
Hall States that have liberal fiscal policies that support the funding of nonprofit organizations through tax incentives, thus, are more likely to have more active NGO sectors since it is easier for activists to mobilize resources. Table 2. Overall, countries follow similar patterns associated with legal traditions governing the 36 States and the domestic political economy nonprofit sector and state—society typologies.
Of the three countries, Japan has moved the slowest and it is unclear if recent changes will have a big effect on many NGOs. A closer examination of the cases of Japan and the United States illustrates precisely how legal and fiscal regimes shape the NGO sector by making it either easy or difficult to set up and operate an NGO.
These two countries are at opposite poles of a continuum of regulatory incentives and restrictions facing NGOs, with the United States adopting laws and regulations that have promoted NGO growth and Japan using regulations in restrictive ways that have discouraged NGO emergence and growth. Through its selection of legal codes and tax policies, each country has nurtured or suppressed activism from above.
One reason that Japanese NGOs were such late arrivals on the international scene is the very challenging regulatory and fiscal environment they found themselves in for many years domestically. Pekkanen Prior to , the only form of legal incorporation available for groups with nonprofit goals was the public interest corporation koeki hojin , as either an incorporated association shadan hojin or an incorporated foundation zaidan hojin.
Pekkanen ; Yamaoka ; London 26, 36 As many Japanese activists and nonprofit scholars have attested, getting approval as a public interest corporation was for many years a very difficult process. Pekkanen and ; London Compared with the simple registrationstyle system of incorporation in the United States, the process of incorporation as a public interest corporation in Japan was for decades highly nontransparent, lengthy and tightly controlled by government ministry bureaucrats.
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Groups applied to the government agency with jurisdiction over the area of activity they seeked to participate in and each ministry had its own, often unclear, criteria and approval process. Pekkanen The approval process itself was often very lengthy and usually involved making inside connections with bureaucrats, drawn-out behind-the-scenes negotiations, and including government officials as board members or executive officers.
London The application process could take up to three years, and for NGOs in particular which typically work in several areas and were thus required to get approval from several ministries this process could take much longer. Asahi News, September 27, 2 This tough regulatory climate prior to had a dampening effect on the emergence and growth of an active NGO sector in Japan. For most of the postwar period, small groups with annual budgets below 3 million yen were not given a chance to incorporate, and this, in turn, limited their ability to grow since without legal status they lacked the public recognition and the access to fundraising tools available to groups in many other countries.
Some Japanese groups consciously chose to remain informal associations, due to the challenges involved in the incorporation process and concerns about their autonomy if they incorporated. JANIC and As Pekkanen and has argued, lack of legal status had serious organizational consequences: groups without legal status were unable to do very basic procedures, such as signing contracts, opening bank accounts, and obtaining a lease for office space.
When asked, nearly every NGO official interviewed for this study related a strange story of how his or her group had to come up with creative ways of overcoming such basic barriers to organizing in the early days when they had no formal legal status. Interviews with NGOs and foundation officials, February , July and August , March Without legal status, groups were in many ways operating in a gray zone and legally marginalized in ways unimaginable in the United States and most other industrialized countries. Since most NGOs in Japan could not easily obtain legal status until the passage of the NPO Law, until recently few of them were eligible for tax exempt status or tax deductions for contributions.
Even for incorporated groups, the tax system has not actively encouraged private philanthropy in Japan. Pekkanen Although all public interest corporations are tax-exempt organizations, they must pay taxes on income earned from profit-making activities.
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Pekkanen ; Yamamoto and Amenomori Until the s, however, this special category was restricted to institutions involved in scientific and academic research dedicated to the advance of science and technology. In the mid- to late s, the category was expanded to include other activities, such as scholarships, environmental protection and development assistance Yamamoto and Amenomori ; Amemiya ; London , a change which allowed a very small handful of NGOs with legal status to offer tax deductions on contributions to individuals.
In general, however, tax laws and the tax system have not been conducive to private philanthropy, making it much more challenging to mobilize resources in Japan than in countries where fiscal incentives have been generous for many years. With the passage of three new laws in that reform the legal system for public interest corporations, the entire nonprofit sector is now being revamped towards a more Anglo model of simple registration procedures and less control by the ministries.
Tax breaks, however, have remained a separate matter, and in this respect Japan remains a relatively tough country for NGO organizing. Although new laws were passed in and that set up procedures for groups with nonprofit status under the NPO Law to apply for tax breaks, the requirements were high and very few groups received special tax status. The current law passed in has established two new categories of groups with special tax privileges, called public interest incorporated associations and foundations. Only time will tell, however, if these new procedures prove to be an opportunity or a new barrier for activists and whether this new commission is as restrictive as the Ministry of Finance and other ministries were for decades.
Until now, the situation for tax breaks has not been encouraging and this has been one of the underlying causes of the poor financial situation of many NGOs in Japan. In sharp contrast to the Japan case, the regulatory environment in the United States has been highly favorable for NGOs for decades. Walker ; Hall ; Jencks Procedures for setting up an NGO in the United States are simple, and establishing legal and tax-exempt status involves an easy two-step registration process in which a group first files for incorporation as a nonprofit organization at the state level and then applies at the federal level for c 3 status to become a tax-exempt organization.
Practically all American NGOs — both service and advocacy — go through these procedures with relative ease, enjoy tax exemption on their revenues and offer their donors tax deductions on contributions. It is hard States and the domestic political economy 39 to imagine activism in the United States without these basic legal and fiscal arrangements. In fact, historically, the rise of a professionalized nonprofit sector and NGOs in the United States has been closely associated with the evolution of legal and tax codes over the course of the twentieth century.
This was especially true in the postwar period with the simultaneous advent of higher taxes and tax breaks for contributions to nonprofit organizations in the context of war. Hall and During both World War Two and the Korean War, tax rates shot up to pay for higher military spending, and both individuals and corporations began to take advantage of the tax incentives of contributing to nonprofits or establishing foundations in order to avoid paying large amounts of tax.
Hall ; Andrews These tax incentives led over time to a culture of nonprofit-oriented philanthropy and has funded an explosion in the number of nonprofit organizations over the past six decades. Compared to their counterparts in Japan, American NGOs were in a resource-rich environment that encouraged their emergence and existence. Regulatory environment for grant-making foundations In addition to directly regulating the nonprofit sector, the state shapes the general environment for philanthropy, which in turn affects the types of resources available to NGOs in a given country.
Private foundations are one important source of funding for the nonprofit sector and have become a major source of funding for many NGOs, especially advocacy NGOs. Reimann Legal regulations and fiscal policies toward private foundations vary across countries, with the liberalpluralist countries of United States, Canada and the United Kingdom standing out once again as having the most conducive regulatory environment for the creation of grant-making foundations — i.
European Foundation Center ; Hall Although the general patterns of civil law versus common law approach described earlier also apply to foundations Kiger 5—19, —57 , the situation is a little more complicated since the types of foundations found in countries vary considerably. In general, in most industrialized countries, there are more operating foundations than grant-making foundations. Frost and Frost ; Iriyama The liberal-pluralist countries of the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom are the exceptions to this generalization, with their much higher number of grant-making foundations.
OECD 59 If one considers foundations as a funding source for nonprofits and NGOs, therefore, the overall picture that emerges is the common law countries leading the way historically, and Japan and continental Europe lagging behind but catching up since the s.
For most of the postwar period, Japanese private foundations have not been an important funding resource for NGOs. Although foundations have existed in Japan since the beginning of the twentieth century, it is only in very recent years that they have funded NGOs and progressive nonprofit organizations. Historically, dating back to the inter-war and early postwar period, regulations and state policies 40 States and the domestic political economy in Japan focused primarily on promoting foundations and philanthropy related to areas seen as in the national interest, such as scientific research and development.
As a result, until the early s, most foundations established in Japan were research foundations started by corporations or with help from a ministry; practically none of them were concerned with social change or international issues.
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Frost and Frost ; Baron ; London ; Yamamoto and Amenomori 6—7; Iwamoto This was driven in part by state policies that provided tax breaks only in the area of science and research. In the late s and s, however, the allowable categories for tax deductions slowly started to expand to non-science areas, and from this time new types of foundations started to appear. Interestingly, it was outside ideas and pressure that helped bring about these policy changes, such as American foundations actively promoting the philanthropic sector in Japan, Japanese firms in the United States learning about corporate philanthropy as they set up subsidiaries there, and rising US—Japan trade friction encouraging Japanese officials to set up special tax relief and donation systems for international philanthropy in the late s.
Yamamoto ; London Due to this relatively late start, Japanese foundations have only recently started to catch up with American foundations in terms of size and funding. Pekkanen In , there were only grant-making foundations of significant size in Japan, and the Ford Foundation alone had an endowment three times larger than the combined endowments of the largest Japanese foundations. More importantly, however, it was not until the late s and s that foundations started to give grants to Japanese NGOs. Since most NGOs did not have formal legal status until , foundations did not see them as attractive recipients for grants.
Greene Many foundations were corporate ones that were politically and socially conservative and not interested in funding advocacy NGOs that promoted social justice causes or service NGOs that did work in a foreign country. There have been exceptions — such as the Toyota Foundation — but, in general, despite the growth in the number of Japanese foundations and States and the domestic political economy 41 funding available in recent years, foundations have not been a major source of funding for either service or advocacy NGOs in Japan.
In contrast, it would be hard for many NGOs in the United States to fathom a world without private foundation funding and the billions of dollars that foundations disburse to support many causes, groups and institutions. Once again, the tax system and regulations were key in shaping the development of this vast philanthropic world, and the United States is one of the few industrialized countries that have had a longstanding and generous policy of allowing wealthy individuals to set up a foundation and get tax breaks from it.
Historically, an important turning point was the s—s, when the federal government, in the context of war, simultaneously introduced new high tax rates on the wealthy and new tax breaks for donations and philanthropic purposes. As studies have shown, higher taxes combined with the new option of tax breaks in this period led to a burst in the formation of foundations as the wealthy used foundations to divert parts of their tax bills.
Compared with only foundations in existence before , between that year and about 5, foundations were set up. Boris ; Hall ; Odendahl Included in this initial burst are many of the large family foundations that are currently active in international giving and supporting NGOs. In the United States, private foundations have been an important source of funding for NGOs and they have played a particularly important role in supporting the activities of American advocacy NGOs, as well as advocacy groups and networks in other parts of the world see Chapter Three.
After being important financial supporters of advocacy groups in national social movements starting in the s Jenkins and ; Walker , private foundations started funding NGOs working on global issues such as human rights and the environment in the s and s. Keck and Sikkink ; Bosso ; Mitchell, Mertig and Dunlap Today, US foundations remain important funding sources for many advocacy NGOs, especially research-oriented advocacy NGOs without large membership bases that rely heavily on foundation funding.
This is a good example of how state policies in the United States have actively encouraged philanthropy, which in turn has promoted activism and the rise of NGOs. State funding of the NGO sector In addition to legal institutions and fiscal incentives, the other state policy that has greatly affected the growth of NGOs has been direct and indirect funding support by the state through subsidies, grants, special mail rates, church taxes and lotteries.
Although civil society and NGOs are sometimes portrayed as self-organized and self-supported citizen activism, many groups have relied on material support from the state. In recent decades, the amount of official aid available to NGOs has skyrocketed and created a multi-billion-dollar aid industry. As international development scholars have argued, the large increase in official aid channeled through NGOs in the s and s is one of the reasons for the enormous growth in the number and the size of NGOs.
Ottaway and Carothers ; Dichter ; Edwards and Hulme By materially supporting NGOs, states are important patrons aiding their emergence and growth from above. However, not all states are generous patrons, and variation in programs across countries and across time provide another layer of explanation for why some OECD countries have larger and more active NGO sectors than others. Considering the fact that aid can substantially increase the available resources for NGOs, the relationship between state funding and NGO levels is fairly straightforward: states which provide larger amounts of aid to NGOs are more likely to have larger NGO sectors compared with states that do not provide much support to NGOs.
State policy in the area of funding is one of the important factors supporting the rise and growth of NGOs; without it, one substantial source of material support is not available. The data shows interesting patterns that reinforce patterns found in the policy area of NGO legal and fiscal regulations and reveal a consistency in policies toward NGOs.
In general, the states that have more open legal and fiscal regulations governing the nonprofit sector — liberal states, corporatist states, and social democratic states such as the United States, Canada, the UK, Germany, the Netherlands and Sweden — have most actively supported NGOs through grants, subsidies and other forms of material contributions.
In contrast, the statist states of France, Italy and Japan, which for many years had the most restrictive regulatory systems for nonprofit organizations, have tended to have the smallest NGO support programs. Figures with an asterisk also include official development assistance channeled through NGOs. Prior to the s, a handful of NGOs with legal status as public interest corporations received a small amount of aid, which amounted to only several million dollars in total.
In this sense, the creation of NGO support programs in and the s mark a real shift in thinking toward NGOs; and, as later chapters in this book will show, the more recent boom in the number of Japanese NGOs has been in part supported by these policy changes. As was the case in other countries, increasing state support has been part of the story of NGO growth in Japan in recent years.
Although the figures in Table 2. Cumming ; Cohen ; Newman The one area in which the French state has provided substantial amounts of aid to NGOs is humanitarian relief, precisely the area where state—NGO relations are closer and NGOs have grown to become large, professionalized operations. In the s, due to financial and political crises, NGO support programs were cut significantly and led to funding crises for many Italian development NGOs. Randel and German a; DAC a Relations between NGOs and the state in Italy have also been strained due to difficulties in getting approval for registration with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, inordinate amounts of paperwork to get funds, frequent failure of the government to deliver the funding, and the year-to-year unpredictability of the size of the Italian foreign aid budget.
Gay and Schiavoni ; DAC a; Foch Although the Italian government has made commitments to support NGOs in the s and s, they have not always been able to follow through. In sharp contrast to the three statist countries of Japan, France and Italy, other advanced industrialized countries have had longer, closer and more symbiotic relationships with NGOs.
The United States first started supporting and collaborating with NGOs during the major world wars of the twentieth century, before the advent of modern-day foreign aid programs. Smith ; Curti ; Hoskins With the creation of new foreign aid programs in the context of the Cold War, NGOs were one of several players that became the private partners, expert advisors and subcontactors for US foreign aid. The evolution and growth of NGOs in the United States, especially among development and relief NGOs, must be understood in the context of this background of state support and collaboration.
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States and the domestic political economy 45 State policies in other liberal-pluralist countries and in the social democratic and corporatist countries have also been quite generous toward NGOs. If anything, the Canadian and European NGOs have been even more reliant on state funding than their American counterparts. Smillie and Helmich b and The statistics in Table 2. Given the large amounts of state funding flowing to NGOs, it is an important variable in the emergence and rise of NGOs.
In the comparative context, the implications are clear and go back to the starting premise of this section: countries with more generous official NGO funding programs are more likely to have larger and more active NGO sectors. The statist countries of Japan, France and Italy have lagged behind the rest in terms of the size, depth and activeness of their NGO sectors because of the relatively lower levels and the lateness of state support.
NGOs with enormous budgets, staff and capacity on the ground. Such giant NGOs are found mainly in countries that have provided large amounts of state funding to a small circle of established NGOs, a common practice among states with large NGO funding programs. InterAction Half of these groups received more than 50 percent of their funds from the United States government, with some, such as Catholic Relief Services and the Academy for Educational Development, receiving more than 70 percent. In Switzerland, approximately 67 percent of all state funding for NGOs in the s was distributed to just seven NGOs which quickly became giants in the field of development and relief.
Randel and German c and d; de Goys and Helmich ; Helmich In contrast, most countries with small NGO programs, such as Japan, France and Italy, do not disburse huge grants and very few super NGOs exist there — of the three countries, only France has a few large 46 States and the domestic political economy multi-million-dollar budget NGOs, and most of these are smaller than the very large NGOs found in the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada.
Service versus advocacy NGOs For the most part, the state funding programs described above have provided contracts and grants mainly to development and relief NGOs with projects in developing countries. While such service NGOs have received the bulk of funding, however, advocacy NGOs in some countries have also received some state support. This is more common in the social democratic and corporatist states, but support to advocacy groups in all countries has increased over time as funding for NGOs has increased. Until the s, Japanese advocacy NGOs like service NGOs received no state funding and most were extremely small due to the great difficulties they faced in getting legal status and fundraising.
Since the s, some of the new government funding programs have provided small pockets of funding for advocacy groups working in the areas of the environment and international development. See later chapters. Compared with their OECD counterparts, however, Japanese advocacy NGOs are the smallest and in many ways most challenged in terms of resource mobilization. The United States has provided relatively little official aid to advocacy groups and projects, except for the area of democratization, where funds have gone to advocacy NGOs working to promote democracy, transparency, anticorruption, human rights, citizen rights, labor organization and civic engagement in transitioning countries.
Ottaway and Carothers ; Carothers Most advocacy NGOs in the United States, however, do not receive large government contracts; it is far more common for them to rely on private foundation grants, membership fees and revenues from product sales or services. In Canada and parts of Europe, though, where funding from private foundations is more limited than in the United States, it is not unusual for advocacy NGOs to receive official funding of some kind. In Sweden, advocacy NGOs receive government subsidies, and attempts to change tax laws on deductions for contributions have repeatedly failed due to the fact that the government claims that public support ought to be given not by individual States and the domestic political economy 47 contributors but by direct subsidies.
Steen As these patterns indicate, overall, NGOs are more reliant on state funding in the social democratic and corporatist states than they are in liberal states such as the United States and the United Kingdom, where NGOs have a wider set of tools for mobilizing resources. Other types of state support In addition to NGO support programs that are part of foreign aid, states sometimes provide other types of subsidy and support, such as reduced mail rates, church taxes and state lotteries. All of these programs help NGOs mobilize resources and have contributed to their development over time.
Once again, these types of support are more commonly found in liberal, corporatist and social democratic states, indicating the higher level of support for NGO activism in these types of democracy. The bulk mail rate for nonprofits in the United States is a well-known postal discount that has helped many NGOs fundraise, build a membership base, and communicate their message. From the s, NGOs began to use direct mail strategies more actively, including mass mailings of membership and donation appeals, and cheaper mail rates for nonprofit organizations saved them millions of dollars Berry 27—28; Skocpol ; Walker Direct mail strategies were particularly important for advocacy groups since they were often not eligible for government funding and having a large membership base was one way for them to gain political clout.
Keck and Sikkink ; Bosso Smillie ; Mitchell, Mertig and Dunlap Such strategies have also been used in Canada and some European countries Harris , but they have seldom been used by Japanese NGOs because of the very high price of mail in Japan. Having such tools clearly puts activists in countries like the United States at an organizational advantage.
Other countries have helped NGOs raise funds through church taxes, state lotteries and other schemes. Germany, Italy and Sweden have a special church tax that is collected by the state and given to churches for their programs, including those run by faith-based NGOs. In Sweden, the right to run lotteries has been an important source of independent fundraising for nonprofit associations, and NGOs have used lotteries to raise funds there. See Chapter Four. Access to political institutions and the policy-making process In addition to state policies, the institutional structures of the state and access to influential policy-makers are important.
As strong state theorists and social movement scholars have argued, the political opportunities available to societal actors will influence the forms of activism and levels of organization found in a given country. Countries with more open political systems and a more favorable political opportunity structure POS for activism will most likely have higher levels of NGOs since they provide a better political environment for NGOs to gain influence and flourish.
In fact, plenty of women actively participate in the movement. Nogawa: And take Mr. But if we frame everything in that lens, we end up overlooking many things. For instance, as only Mr. In other words, while some of the family policies and historical view of Nippon Kaigi are specific to Japan, new-conservatism gives those policies more of a global stage. Hayakawa: In the case of Mr. To be sure, there are commonalities between prewar nationalist fundamentalism and contemporary right wing movements. Finding simplistic analogies in prewar Japan is easy to do, and I am as guilty of it as the next man, but I am afraid that it gets in the way of understanding why, at this moment in history, they are embracing a movement based on the prewar view of the family state.
Nogawa: The subtitle of Mr. I feel that the book is trying to take advantage of this image. When I think about that kind of danger, Mr. Hoshino Hideki et. I think, however, it is necessary to question whether the word is being used simply to designate a minority, as seen by the majority. But to answer the question of whether we can call Nippon Kaigi or religious groups affiliated with Nippon Kaigi a cult, we have to look at the current state of Japanese society. For example, I am not sure if our society has such a tense relationship with the values of the Japan Youth Council that we would call them a cult.
Hayakawa: I see. It is not whether they are a cult or not, but whether we are able to separate ourselves from them as a cult. Nogawa: In order to call them a cult, Japanese society must have had established values that are clearly disengaged from their values. But can we say that we have that kind of tense relationship with them?
The issue of Moritomo Gakuen, for instance, had been well known among some people for a long time. The reason it became a topic for daytime tabloid TV shows, however, is because they were caught in a money scandal. Whatever we say, it was Japanese society who had neglected the kindergarten. Hayakawa: You have both been looking at right wing conservative movements influenced by Nippon Kaigi. Is there anything that particularly concerns you? Saito: For Nippon Kaigi, family education is very important, but these books say little about this.
In his book, Mr. But school education was still his main focus. Nogawa: Mr. Tawara, too, points out that the revision of the Fundamental Law of Education is modeled on the United Kingdom. But he cannot go further than that because, I think, he has not delved more deeply into the problem of family.
Hayakawa: Mr. That problem is resurfacing now. Nogawa: In fact, right wing intellectuals who are very close to Nippon Kaigi, such as Yagi Hidetsugu 23 and Takahashi Shiro, still now actively bring up home economics textbooks as their issue. Saito: Takahashi Shiro has been reappointed twice as a member of the expert committee for the Conference for Gender Equality of the Cabinet Office under the Abe administration. He has also entered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Both Takahashi and Yagi are taking active roles in the center of the government.
Saito: Yes. My fear reaches that level. Nippon Kaigi has been tackling gender, sexuality and family as issues that are important for their theory of the state. But almost none of these books address what Nippon Kaigi has done on these themes. Only Ms. Still, Sugano is wrong. He uses this kind of contrarian claim in order to give his argument a semblance of originality. Also, other than those two issues, she concretely mentioned the preamble of the Constitution.
Saito: Recently there are signs of a dangerous turn of events. Saito: Yes, it is. We have to keep our eye on this. Nogawa: But many of the authors view Murakami in a favorable light because he is their source of information. Nogawa: Takahashi Shiro, a member of Nippon Kaigi, is still active in the anti-reproductive rights movement. We should look at it as a movement linked to social concern over the declining birth rate. Saito: They are using it cleverly. This pulls people into a conservative backlash. Hayakawa: You mean that these books on Nippon Kaigi rarely take up these right wing mass movements that have become enmeshed in our everyday lives.
Saito: I wonder if the authors of the books are not so interested in the problems of everyday life. Nogawa: Exactly. This may be also related to the fact that most of the authors of the Nippon Kaigi books, including the media, live in Tokyo. This chapter is very worthwhile. Nogawa: The fifth chapter is very useful for thinking about what exactly is happening in other regions. In the context of Mr. At a rally by Nippon Kaigi Osaka on Constitution Memorial Day this year, a consulting company was involved in organizing the event and some of their employees were participants in the symposium.
I see only few books that talk about what Nippon Kaigi is really doing now. The Fujiu book, the most recently published, also focuses only on the historical origin. But what is happening now? Hayakawa: I recently heard that a U.
Nippon Kaigi is an umbrella organization for such movements. Nogawa: If I may defend these authors a little, it might be hard for a single author to cover so much. The only authors who have been able to meet Nippon Kaigi members are Mr. Aoki and Mr. Sugano talked only to former members of Nippon Kaigi, who may have been able to talk candidly, but because they have left group their information might be wrong or be mixed with their personal antagonistic bias. We have to be careful about that. Saito: Mr.
Fujiu both write about the difficulty of interviewing members, many of whom refused to talk with them. I admire and appreciate that these two journalists conducted interviews despite such difficulty. With increasing attention to Mr. I myself was refused when I asked for the schedule of one of their constitutional revision campaign trucks.
This is the forerunner of neoliberalism in Japan, much like Thatcherism or Reaganomics. It may appear as if Nippon Kaigi were praising the restoration of the prewar family. Yet what they propose as policies are in fact those of neoliberalism. Nogawa: The only book that mentions the name of Kato Akihiko, the professor at Meiji University who advocates multigenerational family residence, is Mr. I give him credit for this.
Now we need micro-level fieldwork and investigative reporting on different themes and areas. Hayakawa: I agree. For instance, the multi-generational household we discussed ended up being incorporated into government policy, through the tax incentive for multigenerational households passed during the second Abe administration. Saito: The tax incentive applies even to those who are not living with their parents and grandparents. Hayakawa: After all, it became a system that gives you a tax advantage.
Bottom line, as long as a construction project includes additions to accommodate another household, a second kitchen, bath tub, toilet, or entrance, you get favorable tax treatment. This is a prime example of the gap between their ideals and reality. Of course this is mainly a result of resistance on the part of the Ministry of Land, Information, Transport and Tourism and some members of the LDP to a taxation system t hat rewards certain life choices, but it would be interesting to follow the process at the micro level, starting from the proposal by Nippon Kaigi to when the policy was put into effect.
Nogawa: In any case, each book connects Nippon Kaigi with the Abe administration. Yet the problems each author finds in the Abe administration determine the problems that the author sees in Nippon Kaigi. Nogawa: The Aoki book does that too. The Uesugi book says that Abe, influenced by his grandfather Kishi Nobusuke, had called for the revision of Article 9 since his college days. His diagnosis is that Abe was drawn to such ideology since his youth.
Both Mr. Sugano see Abe as an empty vessel. Their opinion is divided about what is all-important, however: that is, whether Abe Shinzo has an ideological affinity for Nippon Kaigi or not. Just this summer JC held its annual summer conference in Yokohama. Sansai bukkusu ed. Sansai mook, vol. Tokyo: Sansai bukkusu. Saito: For example, among the forgotten are Tashimo Masaaki, a pediatrician and executive secretary of the Hokkaido branch of Nippon Kaigi, and Okamoto Akiko, an activist journalist.
Okamoto was long a very active member of Nippon Kaigi, writing for journals like Seiron and speaking as a housewife.